Why are Palestinian Refugees treated differently than all other refugees in the world? - Palestinian Refugees, were denied resettlement opportunities

Why are Palestinian Refugees treated differently than all other refugees in the world?

Why was this de facto exchange of Arab and Jewish populations treated differently from all other population exchanges? Virtually all mass movements of refugees -- even those which went one way and were not reciprocal, as are population exchanges -- have been solved by resettlement or absorption of the refugees in either the original host country or another designated area.¹
In the roster of the world's unfortunate shifts of population the number of refugees is staggering: from 1933 to 1945, a total of 79,200,000 souls were displaced;² since the Second World War at least 100,000,000 additional persons have become refugees. In times of conflict throughout history those who became insecure migrated to regions where they felt safer. Most are no longer refugees, because the resettlement and integration of these refugee transfers by the host country has been considered by the world community to be the normal and humanitarian course of action. The international legal precedent of granting refugees the privilege to live in dignity as citizens in their countries of asylum has been consistently urged for all refugees.³ There has been no successful mass repatriation by any refugee group except after a military victory; further, in instances of refugee exchanges there is no historical, moral, or other basis for one-way repatriation.
The exchange between India and Pakistan in the 1950s was overwhelming in magnitude: 8,500,000 Sikhs and Hindus from Pakistan fled to India, and roughly 6,500,000 Muslims moved from India to Pakistan.⁴ Even in "crowded, water-logged West Bengal," according to the New York Times,⁵ where refugees streamed from East Pakistan, the refugees "felt their only hope for solace was among people who spoke their language, had the same dietary habits and shared their customs and traditions." This exchange-bad not come about peacefully. As reported by the Times of London,⁶

Moslems have been murdering Hindus and Sikhs, Hindus and Sikhs have been murdering Moslems. Each side blames the other with passionate vehemence and refuses to admit that its own people are ever at fault.

Yet, contrary to Arab attitudes, Pakistani President Mohammed Ayub Khan, at a Cairo press conference in 1960, announced that he had directed his people to deal with their own refugees, without "substantial support from Muslim brethren over the world"; he suggested that Pakistan's settlement of its nearly seven million refugee-, from India might act as an example for the "three-quarters of a million refugees from Palestine" in the Arab countries."⁷
The modem precedent was set in 1913 when Turkey and Bulgaria began their equal population exchange; and in 1923, Turkey and Greece exchanged 1,250,000 Greeks and 3 55,000 Turks. An agreement was signed in 1930 abandoning individual appraisal in favor of wholesale liquidation of accounts by lump-sum compensation between Greece and Turkey.⁸ Since almost all the property of the Indians and Pakistanis who changed homelands had been taken over and put to use by the respective governments, India and Pakistan eventually had to reach a similar solution.⁹
Millions of refugees who left their homes because of religious, ethnic, or political pressures have been successfully resettled. Many millions more are now being absorbed slowly into the life of their respective countries of asylum. The United States Committee for Refugees' (USCR) latest official figure (1982)¹⁰estimated a current "Worldwide Total" of more than 10,000,000 refugees. As thatcommittee reported, ". . . few resettled refugees ever require assistance again from the UN," although the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) "lists resettled people as refugees until they acquire a new nationality."¹¹
Among the dozens of countries to which tens of millions of refugees have fled for asylum, the only instance in which the "host countries refused," as a bloc, to assist properly, or even to accept aid in the permanent rehabilitation of their refugees, occurred in the "Arab states."¹² In March 1976, the director of the United States Committee for Refugees said that while "everyone must accept their refugees - that's the world situation," still, the "Arab refugees are a special case.""¹³
Why is the "Palestinian refugee" problem treated as a special case? The United States Catholic Conference's eminent expert, John McCarthy, attempted to put the circumstances of the Arab refugees into the broader context, through his decades of first-hand worldwide experience with refugees. McCarthy's own private affiliations - he has wom "several hats" in Catholic-sponsored refugee resettlement organs - have accomplished the resettlement of roughly one hundredth of the world's hundred million refugees rendered homeless since World War II. During an interview in December 1978, he was asked:

Q: Is the world really receptive to observing the precedent of finding new homes for refugees?McCarthy: We've settled about a million people in the past 30 years. At the present time we have from Southeast Asia-we can provide homes and jobs for 7,000 people a month, without regard to race, religion, what-have-you. There's no problem with this-it works. We're carrying out resettlement programs in Canada, Switzerland, Austria, Germany, Nordic countries, also New Zealand, Australia- all Southeast Asians. We're working with Egyptians, and out of Europe we're taking care of Ethiopians, Kurds, Iraqis, and the whole Iron Curtain. So we have quite a movement of people. There isn't any problem. It always works-if they're told the story as it should be told. You must remember that in any structure- black, white, green, yellow-there's always a certain resistance to the newcomer. If we can show that these people can contribute-that these people have a problem, that these people are good-if we can show that they're your brother, it works.
Q: In the case of the Palestinian Arab refugees-why hasn't it worked there?
McC: It has worked there.
Q: You mean unofficially?
McC: You must remember-it's such an involved political structure. I've worked in the Palestinian structure, trying to say, "Let's resettle these people." The governments of Egypt and so on, they all said, "Wait a while," or "No, we won't do it. The only place they're going to resettle is back in Israel, right or wrong." You must remember-well-these people are simply pawns.
Q: What can be done?
McC: We can do things with people if we have the help, just the permission of the governments. But you must remember one thing: the Arab countries don't want to take Arabs. It's discriminating against their own.... Our only job is to see if we can create new life opportunities.
The most important thing is to get the refugees, the people, resettled.¹⁴

"Permanent resettlement" remains the general goal of the United States government as well. ¹⁵  Yet the current dialogue omits any mention of the rehabilitation or resettlement of Palestinian Arab refugees. It is the "right of the Palestinians to their homeland" that is consistently reiterated.
The abuse of the refugees, their deprivation of real "human rights" from 1948 onward, and the true motive behind their rejection by the Arab world have all been buried by propaganda slogans and omissions. Humanitarian voices of concern for "human need" and dignity are now muted by the louder and increasingly prevalent trumpeting of the "rights" of the "Palestinians" to "return."
Amid that campaign, the belated recognition of the "other" Middle East refugees, the Jews, was termed an ill-timed "complication" by United States officials during the Ford administration."¹⁶ To the benefit of the Arab propaganda mechanism, and perhaps to the ill fortune of many perpetual Arab refugees, Israel has not made an effective case for its own Jewish refugee claim; Israelis say that they have reserved the matter of the population exchange for overall peace negotiations, although they have referred to the exchange during discussions of refugee compensation, and in forums such as the United Nations.
However, if the Israelis chose virtually to ignore the propaganda benefits to be gained from exploitation of their refugees, the Arabs predicted otherwise. Perhaps because of the Arab world's own political use of its refugees, some Arabs have anticipated with apprehension the Israelis' eventual use of what the Arabs see as a strong claim for Israel and its resettled Jewish refugees from Arab countries.
There have been sophisticated warnings that the existence of those hundreds of thousands of Jewish refugees who fled to Israel from Arab states would trump the Arab refugee "propaganda card." Even before the propaganda line substituted the term "Palestinians" to replace the term "Arab refugees," the Arab world manifested popular recognition that its demand for the "return" of the Arab refugees to Israel was implausible: in 1966, a prominent Egyptian newspaper published an editorial stating that "we all know that Zionist influence ... brought about the transfer to Israel, of thousands of Jews from Yemen . . . thousands of Moroccan Jews, the same thing was done in Tunisia, and Syria also tried to follow the same policy . . ."
As a result, the editorial reasoned, Israel can claim that, if "tens of thousands of Jews who previously lived in the Arab countries" are settled in Israel, "why should the Arab refugees not be settled in their stead? ... This proposal ... can serve as a propaganda card to arouse the interest of world public opinion.""¹⁷
In 1974 the question was obliquely raised again by the Arabs - this time by an Arab-born Israeli journalist, interviewing the head of the PLO delegation to the United Nations at that time, Dr. Nabil Shaat. The Israeli journalist asked, "Why did you send your people to kill innocent people in Ma'alot and Kiryat Shemona ... knowing they were mostly populated by Oriental Jews, whom you call brothers?" At the reference to the Arab-born Jewish refugees, Dr. Shaat responded, "I have no answer to that. I will personally raise the question in our organization when I return to Beirut. . . ." ¹⁸
The PLO's Dr. Shaat granted another interview months later, which he used as a platform for his answer: Shaat called for a "charter of rights of Arab citizens of Jewish persuasion."¹⁹Shortly afterward the series of "invitations" from the Arab world to "its Jews" resumed.
Continuing Arab concern was indicated in May of 1975 by an unusually candid article written for the Beirut journal Al Nahar. Sabri Jiryis, an Arab researcher, author, and member of the Palestinian National Council, wrote that "the Arabs were very active" in the creation of Israel, although

this is hardly the place to describe how the Jews of the Arab states were driven out of their ancient homes.... shamefully deported after their property had been commandeered or taken over at the lowest possible valuation.... This is true for the majority of the Jews in question.

Jiryis warned that "Israel will air this issue in ... any negotiations undertaken regarding the rights of the Palestinians. . . . Israel has been assembling the minutest details about the Jews who left the Arab states after 1948 ... so that these can be used when the time comes."
Jiryis concluded that Israelis will put these claims forward: "It may be ... that we Israelis entailed the expulsion of some 700,000 Palestinians.... "However, you Arabs have entailed the expulsion of just as many Jews from the Arab states.... Actually, therefore, what happened was a . . . 'population and property exchange,' and each party must bear the consequences. "Israel is absorbing the Jews, . . . the Arab statesfor their part must settle the Palestinians in their own midst and solve their problems."²⁰
Lebanese Arabs demanded in 1977 that the "Palestinian refugees be relocated to all Arab nations ... each according to its own capacity."²¹ That the motives for the Lebanese proclamation were political and not strictly humanitarian was evident: the PLO had contributed greatly to the transformation of Lebanon from international playground to countrywide battlefield. Significantly, however, the demand went to theArab countries and not to Israel. Thus the responsibility for the refugees was placed, albeit briefly, by Arabs upon the Arab world.
Nonetheless, rumblings of renewed external recognition of this Middle East population exchange continued to appear in the late 1970s, nearly thirty years after the fact.
University of Chicago population expert Philip Hauser, former United States Census Director, who represented the United States on the United Nations' Population Commission from 1947 to 1951, stated in 1978 that

the exchange of populations between out-migrant Arabs and out-migrant Jews is real-precedents have been established. As far as the unprecedented refusal by the Arabs to accept Arab refugees-some quarters call this a deliberate means of destroying Israel. What the out-migration of Arabs from newly-created Israel did was to provide in Arab countries a milieu in which the Arab refugees had access to a common culture and language ... a unique historical situation, in the sense that most refugee populations are faced with the necessity of living in a new cultural and linguistic world.... In light of the total situation - and now I will speak not in the demographic vein but in the less familiar political vein - it would be absurd for the Arabs to insist on what would be double compensation from Israel .... ²²

Moreover, perhaps in view of the Israeli government's relegation of its refugee equation to a state of suspended animation, the Jewish refugees themselves finally began to coalesce into independent bodies; in several countries such organizations grew up. One international body calls itself WOJAC-World Organization of Jews from Arab Countries-with delegations of Arab-bom Jews representing sixteen countries of asylum. The Jewish refugees, who never had been clearly identified or adequately discussed in world forums, decided to become recognized, to explain why they can never go back to their lands of origin, and to demand "even-handedness." ²³
It was precisely when WOJAC announced the convening of its organizing conference in Paris that the Arabs issued several of their invitations to the Arab-bom Jews to "come back." The Jews disdained the gesture of "hospitality," and composed a response. They enumerated the "miseries" they had endured in the Muslim Arab society at a press conference called to communicate their negative answer to the invitation.*
[* In January 1976, the American Sephardi Federation "representing more than 1 1/2 million Jewish refugees from Arab lands" took a full-pagc advertisement in the New York Times to "decline" the Iraqi government's "invitation." A photograph of two bodies suspended from a scaffold, surrounded by angry-looking onlookers was identified as a "News Service Photo: Iraqis watch the bodies of Sabah Haim (left), and David Hazaquiel, both Jews, dangle from the scaffold after they were hanged in Baghdad." Beneath the photograph the organization responded: "INVITATION DECLINED."
"We, the Jewish refugees from Arab lands whose history in those countries goes back more than 2,000 years, long before Islam--suggest that the Arab governments finance the welfare of their own brothers instead of using them as political pawns, while they spend huge amounts for hypocritical propaganda, half truft and outright lies." (January 11, 1976, New York Times.)]
In 1981, the United States Committee for Refugees noted, as it had not done in many previous reports, the "600,000 Jewish refugees resettled from Arab countries ... three decades ago."²⁴ By the next survey, however, that important recognition was singularly negated.²⁵  Had the Jews initially drawn worldwide attention to their Arab-born Jewish refugees in Israel, had they broadcast the persecution of the Jews and other minorities in the Arab countries-and the social and economic burden of absorbing the Jewish refugees from Arab countries-the Arab demand for one-sided repatriation might be perceived today in a different, more evenhanded and objective perspective, and other, critical unknown elements in the conflict might have by now intruded into the consideration of "justice."
As we have seen, all those hapless peoples counted as "refugees" were not in fact refugees: many were needy souls of other nationalities who found sustenance in the camps, and in the process became-and their children became-unwitting human weapons in a holy war that never ends.
The immediate objective of the Arab world's propaganda strategy has been one-sided Arab "repatriation," a "return" in the name of "self-determination" of those Arab refugees who have been perceived as the Palestinian people from time immemorial, with "rights" to "their land." In the foundation for those claims, one cornerstone is the popular perception that the Arabs are the only hapless refugees who were uprooted in 1948.
The Arabs well know how Jews were-and in least one case, still are-treated in Arab countries, [See Chapter 7] however they may have publicly congratulated themselves for "traditionally benign" treatment of "their" Jews. Consequently, they have grounds for concern for the success of one aspect of their program. If the world recognizes that there has been an irreversible exchange of Jewish and Arab refugee populations, this Arab political maneuver, perhaps, might be expected to reach an impasse.
And yet, as illustrated earlier here, some in the world community have recognized the Arab world's cynical and heartless manipulation of those Arab brethren-men, women, and children who found themselves in refugee camps in search of a better life. Why has that recognition failed to bring about a reasonable solution? Why is this refugee problem different from other refugee problems?
Why has UNRWA spent well over a billion humanitarian-contributed dollars-mostly from the United States-to perpetuate the refugee dilemma? More important, why does the Arab world of nearly 200 million people and millions of miles of territory remain so steadfast in its rejection of one minuscule Jewish state that the Arabs have been willing to sacrifice the human rights and often the very lives of their own people? And, given the honorable and predominantly well-intentioned motives of the free world community-oil-benefit seekers aside -how have the Arabs managed to perpetuate this status quo ante?
The answers lie in what is known-and what is not known-about the region.
Having worked to obliterate from the practical dialogue the history of the Jews as "Palestinian people," and having in fact denied Jewish historical ties to their Holy Land (as in, for example, Article 20 of the PLO Covenant), the Arabs have consistently claimed that in the proposed "secular democratic state of Palestine," most of the Jews who are now in their homeland of Israel would have to depart,"²⁶ presumably back to their countries of origin-including the little-known major component of Arab-born Jews.
But a mutual repatriation obviously could not be demanded if one side of an  exchange of populations had fled from intolerable conditions and could not return. Hence the need for a revised scenario, the Arab "invitation" to Jews to return, and the alteration from "Arab refugees" to "Palestinians." Armed by myths, prevalent among outsiders, that the "alien" Jews lived harmoniously among the "native" Arabs before Israel became a state, the Arabs have tried, through consistent diplomatic and media repetition of statements by Arab leaders, to convince world opinion that the Jews would be "welcome again" in the Arab states if they were forced out of their homeland in Israel, the "Palestinian homeland" of the "Palestinian people from time immemorial."
Because there are extensive contradictions to important popular perceptions and reports-discernible by reading the sentiments and strategies expressed by Arab writers and by visiting the Arab "confrontation" states-the purported "facts" and the "legitimate rights" that are part of the current rhetoric of the Arab-Israel conflict become recognizable as persistent and troubling questions.
Despite the Arab nations' splintered, disparate reactions to what they consider greater threats than Israel - for some the primary danger is seen as the Soviet Union, for others Muslim Fundamentalism, and for the Gulf states its retention of the power of oil-the Arab world remains adamant and uncharacteristically united in its goal, as Al-Ayubi stated it-to tighten a "noose" around the "Zionist entity."
It is the motive for the unchanging, overarching Arab strategy vis-i-vis Israel, the historical factors behind that motive, and the maneuvers that created a climate where that strategy is advocated as "morally" acceptable, which must now be traced.
1. See United States Committee for Refugees, Biennial Reports, C.G. Paikert, The German Exodus (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1962); G. Frumkin, Population Changes in Europe Since 1939 (New York: A. M. Kelley, 195 1).
2. YMCA World Alliance, "World Communiqu6," no. 4, July-August 1957.
3.See speech by Charles S. Rhyne, past president of the American Bar Association, "Fundamental Human Rights of Refugees," August 1972, Vital Speeches, September 15, 1972.
4. United States Committee for Refugees, 1969 Report.
5. April 16, 1961.
6. August 28, 1947.
7. New York Times, November 12, 1960.
8.Schechtman, European Population Transfers, p. 12; Schechtman, Refugee in the World, p. 156; for Bulgarian-Turkish Convention of 1913, see Mark Vishniak, Transfer of Populations as a Means of Solving Problems of Minorities (New York: Yiddish Scientific Institute, 1942), p. 15.
9. See surveys of the United States Committee for Refugees, particularly 1975-76 Biennial Report.
10. United States Committee for Refugees, 1982 World Refugee Survey.
11. United States Committee for Refugees, 1981 World Refugee Survey. Contrary to the UN, the United States Committee for Refugees until recently excluded other de facto "resettled" peoples who had "not," as yet, "acquired a new nationality," but its Survey still included the total UN estimate of "1.8 million Palestinian refugees in the Near East," despite the fact that so many, as the Survey noted, were living "out of camps" throughout the Middle East and the world, p. 37. Also see Chapter 18.
12. United States Committee for Refugees, 1975-76 Report,- Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, and Syria.
13. Matthew Mitchell, then director of the United States Committee for Refugees, to the author, March 1976.
14. Author's interview with John McCarthy, December 19, 1978, New York.
15. For examples of statements reiterating this policy, see an address by Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs David D. Newsom at the Consultations on Indochinese Refugees convened by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, December 11, 1978, Geneva; remarks by Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, Patricia Derian, on ABC, "The Boat People: No Port in the Storm?", February 5, 1978; "Refugees are Pawns of Natural and Man-Made Disasters . . . " (pamphlet), United States Committee for Refugees, Washington; Richard F. Jannsen, "The Uprooted," Wall Street Journal, July 18, 1975; Ronald Yates, "Asian refugees: 'Mother of Jesus have pity on us,' " Chicago Tribune, October 21, 1979.
16. "A solution will be further complicated by the property claims against Arab States of the many Jews from those States who moved to Israel in its early years after achieving statehood." Deputy Assistant Secretary Harold Saunders, testifying before House of Representatives Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on Investigations, November 12, 1975, Department of State Bulletin, December 1, 1975, p. 798.
17. AI-Muharrir, January 25, 1966.
18. Interview by Yitzhak Ben Gad, Philadelphia Inquirer, December 1, 1974.
19. Interview, Jeune Afrique, July 4, 1975.
20. Al Nahar (Beirut), May 15, 1975.
21.Chicago Sun- Times, January 24, 1977, issued after a "secret conclave;" later the same year, a similar statement was issued by Lebanese Christian leaders'joint "manifesto," including Camille Chamoun, a former President of Lebanon, Suleiman Franjieh, President "during the recent civil war," Pierre Gemayel, then Christian Phalangist leader, and others, New York Times~ August 27, 1977.
22. Interview with author, November 25, 1978; March 15, 1981. Professor Philip M. Hauser, Director Emeritus, Population Research Center, University of Chicago, was, beginning in 1938: Assistant Chief Statistician for Population, then Deputy Director (until 1947), then Acting Director (1949-50), U.S. Bureau of the Census; U.S. Representative to UN Population Commission, 1947-51.
23. Statement of the organizing conference, World Organization of Jews from Arab Countries (WOJAC), Paris, November 24, 1975. In an Israeli Parliament debate in 1975, Mordechai Ben Porath (later a Cabinet Minister in charge of the rights of Jews from Arab lands) reproached the government: "The State of Israel, regrettably, has discriminated in this case, and has played down the rights of the Jews from the Arab States." Translation from transcript of Knesset Debate, January 1, 1975.
24. United States Committee for Refugees, 1981 World Refugee Survey, New York, p. 27.
25. United States Committee for Refugees, 1982 World Refugee Survey, p. 18.
26. See Article 20 of the PLO Covenant

Palestinian Refugees, were denied resettlement opportunities

Palestinian Refugees, unlike other refugees in the world, were denied resettlement opportunties, so that they could be used as political pawns. Over the last thirty-odd years, numerous projects have been proposed, international funds provided, studies undertaken, all indicating the benefits that could be derived by the Arab refugees from their absorption into the brethren cultures of the Arab host countries. Various international bodies and independent Arab voices over the years have clearly challenged as immoral the position of the Arabs in promoting the continued languishing of the Arab emigres who came within their borders; also deplored on occasion is the Arab states' departure from the free world's unvarying precedent: of granting to refugees around the world the dignity of resettlement within a compatible environment where they can become productive citizens. From the beginning, the Arab host governments were offered unprecedentedly broad opportunities based on the refugees' rehabilitation, which could help develop their countries' vast potential under the proposed aid programs.
International experts reported and published undisputed evidence that integration and resettlement of those who were refugees, when implemented by the community of Arab nations, would benefit not only the Arab refugees but also the underpopulated areas within the Arab world, which needed additional labor forces to implement progress. Iraq and Syria were judged by many specialists in the area to be ideal for resettlement of the Arab refugees." Among many such findings was the report by President Truman's International Development Advisory Board. Headed by Nelson Rockefeller, the board asserted that under proper development Iraq alone could absorb an Arab refugee population of 750,000. According to the report,

... Israel [which] in the three years of its existence has absorbed a Jewish refugee population, about equivalent in number to the Arab refugees; ... in flight from Moslem countries in the Middle East and North Africa, cannot reabsorb the Arabs who fled its borders, but it can and indeed has, offered to contribute to a fund for Arab resettlement. The exchange of the Arab population of Palestine with the Jewish population of the Arab countries was favored by the ... League of Nations as an effective way of resolving the Palestine problem. In practical effect, such an exchange has been taking place. The resettlement of the Arab refugees is ... much simpler ... in Arab lands.*¹

Another of the authoritative studies reported:

Iraq could contribute most to the solution of the refugee problem. It could absorb agriculturists as well. This would benefit the refugees and the country equally.²

Pointing to Iraq's special availability for resettlement and countering the Arab argument that the Arab refugees were "unemployable"-the same study emphasized that

In the years 1950-51 100,000 Iraqi Jews left the country.... They left a big gap in the life of the city. Many of them were shopkeepers, artisans or white collar workers, while 15,000 belonged to the well-to-do. The gap could be ... filled. ... Again Iraq would also benefit....

The study concluded that "host countries should take over responsibility for the refugees at the earliest possible date," and that "redistribution of the refugees among these countries is a primary requisite."
According to yet another study, by S.G. Thicknesse,³ Iraq's were the "best long-range prospects" for resettlement of the Arabs from Palestine. Herbert Hoover suggested that "this would clear Palestine ... for a large Jewish emigration. . . ."⁴
El-Balad, an Arab daily paper in the Jordan-held "old city" of Jerusalem, stressed the value to the Arabs of the Jews' flight from Iraq, since "roughly 120,000" Jewish refugees had fled Baghdad for Israel, leaving all of their goods and homes behind them ⁵  Salah Jabr, former Prime Minister of Iraq and leader of Iraq's National Socialist Party had stated that

the emigration of 120,000 Jews from Iraq to Israel is beneficial to Iraq and to the Palestinian Arabs because it makes possible the entry into Iraq of a similar number of Arab refugees and their occupation of the Jewish houses there.⁶

A survey by the League of Red Cross Societies determined that thirty-five percent of the Palestine refugees were "townspeople" and could "easily fill the vacuum" left by the Jews.

... Their departure created a large gap in Iraq's economy. In some fields, such as transport, banking and wholesale trades, it reached serious proportions There was also a dearth of white collar workers and professional men.⁷

Syria was also proposed by many experts as an area with great potential for        absorbing refugees: according to one report, Syria required more than twice as many inhabitants as its then-current population of a little more than two million (after World War II.)⁸ According to Arab Palestinian writer Fawaz Turki, Syria "could have absorbed its own refugees, and probably those in Lebanon and Jordan."⁹ The British Chatham House Survey¹⁰ estimated that, with Syria's agreement, "Syria might well absorb over 200,000 Palestine refugees within five years in agriculture alone." Chatham House also recommended that about 350,000 refugees could be resettled in Iraq, further noting that the refugees themselves would "not offer serious resistance" if they were encouraged to realize that their lives would become more productive.
In 1949 a newspaper editorial from Damascus stated that

Syria needs not only 100,000 refugees, but 5 million to work the lands and make them fruitful.¹¹

The Damascus paper, earlier recognizing that Arab refugees were not to be "repatriated," suggested that the government place these "100,000 refugees in district[s] ... where they will build small villages with the money appropriated for this purpose." * ¹²
[* On June 27, 1949, Near East Arab Broadcasting, a British-run station, broadcast (in Arabic): "The Arabs must forget their demand for the return of all refugees since Israel, owing to her policy of crowding new immigrants into the country at such a rate that the territory she holds is already too small for her population, is physically unable to accept more than a small number of Arab refugees. The Arabs must face the facts before it's too late, and must see to the resettlement of the refugees in the Arab states where they can help in the development of their new lands and so become quickly assimilated genuine inhabitants, instead of suffering exiles." "Daily Abstracts of Arabic Broadcasts," Israel Foreign Office. Similar broadcasts were recorded on 10/31/50, 11/11/50, 11/29/50, 12/31/50.]
In 1951, Syria was anxious for additional workers who would settle on the land. An Egyptian paper¹³ reported,

The Syrian government has officially requested that half a million Egyptian agricultural workers ... be permitted to emigrate to Syria in order to help develop Syrian land which would be transferred to them as their property. The responsible Egyptian authorities have rejected this request on the grounds that Egyptian agriculture is in need of labor.*

[* 200,000 Arab "refugees" were languishing in Gaza, along with "80,000 original residents who barely made a living before the refugees arrived," according to the UNRWA report in 1951-52, yet a project with "hope" to accommodate "10,000 families" in the "Sinai area" was "suspended."]
Near East Arabic Radio¹⁴ reported that Syria was offering land rent free to anyone willing to settle there. It even announced a committee to study would-be settlers' applications.
 In fact, Syrian authorities began the experiment by moving 25,000 of the refugees in Syria into areas of potential development in the northern parts of the country, but the overthrow of the ruling regime in August 1949 changed the situation, and the rigid Arab League position against permanent resettlement, despite persistence on the part of isolated leaders, prevailed.¹⁵
Notwithstanding the facts, ¹⁶ the Arab world has assiduously worked to build the myth that no jobs were available in Arab lands for Arab refugees in 1948 or since, and that the refugees had become surplus farm workers "in an era when the world at large and Arab countries in particular already has too many people in the rural sector."¹⁷
At around the same time, the Egyptian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Muhammad Saleh ed-Din, in.a leading Egyptian daily, demanded the return of the refugees:

Let it therefore be known and appreciated that, in demanding the restoration of the refugees to Palestine, the Arabs intend that they shall return as the masters of the homeland, and not as slaves. More explicitly: they intend to annihilate the state of Israel.¹⁸

Thus, while the "refugee" count kept growing, Arab leaders' confusion over "return" or "not return" had been more or less clarified: they proclaimed that the "refugees" must indeed "return," but not before Israel was destroyed.
The Lebanese paper AI-Ziyyad ¹⁹ anticipated a current expressed goal of the PLO charter, though it was less candid. In a sophisticated assessment, it suggested the recognition of Israel as a strategy that would accomplish the following results:

The return of all the refugees to their homes would be secured, thereby we should, on the one hand, eliminate the refugee problem, and on the other, create a large Arab majority that would serve as the most effective means of reviving the Arab character of Palestine, while forming a powerful fifth column for the day of revenge and reckoning.

Despite findings of the 1950 United Nations Palestine Conciliation Commission,²⁰ which recommended "concentration on Arab refugees' resettlement in the Arab countries²¹ with both the technical and financial assistance of the United Nations and coupled with compensation for their property," the Arab League²² insisted that

relief projects should not prejudice the right of the refugees to return to their homes or to receive compensation if unwilling to return...²³

The Revue du Liban was among many dissenters who challenged the Arab League's position and discouraged Arab refugees from "return":

... it is a fact that many Arabs leave Israel today of their own free will.

The paper pointed out that "in the event of a return of the refugees they will constitute a minority ... in a foreign environment ... unfamiliar together with people who speak a language they do not understand." Also, the paper stated, the refugees would "encounter the economic difficulties of Israel," and

their settlement in Israel will cost much more than their absorption in the countries where they live today. After three years it is not human and not logical to compel them to wait without giving them concrete help. Syria and Iraq can easily absorb additional refugees.... They should form a productive force which might help to improve the economic conditions in the countries where they will be absorbed.²⁴

Despite tacit recognition of the actual "resident"- as opposed to "refugee' - identity of so many of those involved, projects unparalleled for refugees else where continued to offer to facilitate the Arab world's resettlement of all it "refugees."²⁵Yet the Arabs rebuffed every effort to secure realistic well-being for their kinsmen. At a refugee conference in Homs, Syria, the Arabs declare that

any discussion aimed at a solution of the Palestine problem which will not based on ensuring the refugees' right to annihilate Israel will be regarded as desecration of the Arab people and an act of treason.²⁶

In 1958, former director of UNRWA Ralph Galloway declared angrily while in Jordan that

The Arab states do not want to solve the refugee problem. They want to keep it as an open sore, as an affront to the United Nations, and as a weapon agains Israel. Arab leaders do not give a damn whether Arab refugees live or die.²⁷

And King Hussein, the sole Arab leader who, for reasons that later become clearer, directed integration of the Arabs, in 1960 stated,

Since 1948 Arab leaders have approached the Palestine problem in an irresponsible manner.... They have used the Palestine people for selfish political purposes. This is ridiculous and, I could say, even criminal.²⁸

Eleven years after the Arab leavetaking, the late United Nations Secretary General Dag Hammarskjbld reiterated that there were ample means for absorb ing the Arab refugees into the economy of the Arab region; he asserted furthe that the refugees would be beneficial to their host countries, by adding needed~manpower to assist in the development of those countries. Hammarskjbld detailed the estimated cost of the refugee absorption, which he proposed be financed by oil revenues and outside aid. But again, plans for permanent rehabilitation of the  refugees were rejected by the Arab leaders, because such measures would have terminated the refugees' status as "refugees"; the Arab leaders reasoned that once the refugees accepted their new homes, they would eventually abandon their desire to "return" to former homes, as have other refugees. Such action would have resulted in the Arab world's loss of a weapon against Israel,²⁹ and would have falsely implied acceptance of the Jewish state.
While the vast majority of refugees has now left the camps for greater opportunities among their brethren-many in the oil-rich Gulf states-most have been denied citizenship in the Arab countries to which they had moved. Regardless of their contributions as "law-abiding" citizens de facto, and regardless of their length of time there, they have largely been discriminated against. As one Palestinian Arab in Kuwait toldForbes editor James Cook in 1975,

They owe me citizenship. I've been here for nearly 20 years and I helped create this country's great wealth. I did. I haven't simply earned my citizenship, they owe it to me.³⁰

This Arab refugee, whose plight is representative of so many, according to Cook, was "unlikely to get it," although it is said that some of the Arabs who left Western Palestine for Kuwait have finally obtained Kuwaiti citizenship. In Iraq, Palestinians have been "allowed to live in the country but not to assume Iraqi nationality," despite the fact that the country needs manpower and "is encouraging Arab nationals to work and live there by granting them citizenship, with the exception of Palestinians.³¹
In this endeavor, the Arab world has received inordinate support from the United Nations, as a candid former United Nations Palestinian Conciliation Commission official admitted in 1966. Dr. Pablo de Azcarate wrote:

...solemn proclamation [of the "right of the refugees to return . . ."] by the [General] Assembly and its incorporation into the text of the resolution of December 14, 1948, have had three results.In the first place, a platform has been provided, of inestimable value to all those Arab political elements who are more interested in keeping alive the political struggle against the State of Israel than in putting an end, by means of a practical and reasonable compromise formula, to the tragic situation of the refugees. The truth is that since the resolution.... the Arab states, whenever the question arose, have done nothing but attack Israel....
The second result of the proclamation ... has been complementary to the first - to paralyze any possible initiative on the part of those who would have preferred to give priority, not to the struggle against Israel, but to the solution of the refugee problem by means of a reasonable and constructive compromise formula.
[And third,] the proclamation and the propaganda surrounding it have created a state of mind among the refugees based on the vain hope of returning to their homes, which has immobilized their cooperation.... an indispensable condition if a way is to be opened to a solution at once practical and constructive of their distressing problem....
... after years of effort, the sole achievement has been to feed and shelter the refugees in some sort of fashion, without taking a single step along the road to their economic and social rehabilitation.³²

Arab propaganda has also managed thus far to direct all attention to one aspect of the Middle East refugee problem as if it were the only aspect of that problem, and thus to mask the overall reality. One crucial truth, among many that have been obscured and deprecated, is that there have been as many Jewish refugees who fled or were expelled from the Arab countries as there are Arab refugees from Israel, and that the Jews left of necessity and in flight from danger.

Palestinians burn effigy of Canadian minister

January 17, 2001
Reuters
Palestinians burned an effigy of Canadian Foreign Minister John Manley on Thursday in a protest against Canada's offer to accept Palestinian refugees as part of a Middle East peace plan. Hooded gunmen fired into the air during the protest in Balata refugee camp near the West Bank town of Nablus and hundreds of demonstrators shouted slogans demanding the right of return to former homes. "We refuse resettlement of refugees," they shouted.
Manley told the Toronto Star newspaper in an interview published on January 10, "We are prepared to receive refugees. We are prepared to contribute to an international fund to assist with resettlement in support of a peace agreement." Manley said there had been no discussion on the number of refugees to be resettled outside the Middle East. 
Canada heads the multilateral Refugee Working Group, a committee charged with trying to resolve the plight of Palestinian refugees.

Arab League Summit in Beirut

28 March 2002
Reuters
Following is an official translation of the full text of a Saudi-inspired
peace plan adopted by an Arab summit in Beirut on Thursday...
The Arab Peace Initiative
The Council of Arab States at the Summit Level at its 14th Ordinary Session, reaffirming the resolution taken in June 1996 at the Cairo Extra-Ordinary Arab Summit that a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East is the strategic option of the Arab countries, to be achieved in accordance with international legality, and which would require a comparable commitment on the part of the Israeli government...

1. Requests Israel to reconsider its policies...2. Further calls upon Israel to affirm...
3. Consequently, the Arab countries affirm the following...
4. Assures the rejection of all forms of Palestinian patriation which conflict with the special circumstances of the Arab host countries.
5. Calls upon the government of Israel and all Israelis to accept this initiative...

Section 4 effectively continues the policy of forcing the Palestinian refugees to remain camps in Lebanon and elsewhere as political weapons rather than absorbing them.

1. International Development Advisory Board, Report, March 7, 1951.
2. F. T. Witcamp, The Refugee Problem in the Middle East (The Hague: Research Group for European Migration Problems, 1959), pp. 39-41.
3. S.G. Thicknesse, Arab Refugees: A Survey of Resettlement Possibilities (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1949), p. 51.
4. Herbert Hoover, reported in the New York World Telegram, November 19, 1945.
5. EI-Balad, September 13, 19, 1951, cited in Joseph Schechtman, The Arab Refugee Problem (New York: Philosophical Library, 1952), p. 91.
6. Dewey Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem and How It Can Be Solved," p. 39, citing EI-Balad (Jerusalem), September 18, 1951.
7. Schechtman, Arab Refugee Problem, p. 91; p. 94, n. 41.
8. Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem and How It Can Be Solved," citing a report by Alexander Gibbs Co., "The Economic Development of Syria" (London, 1949).
9. Fawaz Turki, The Disinherited: Journal of a Palestinian Exile (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, 1972), p. 37.
10. Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem," p. 50, citing a report by a study group composed of members and associates of Chatham House and members of the Royal Asian Society under the chairmanship of Sir Harold MacMichael on Arab refugee settlement possibilities. Arnold Toynbee was also a participant.
11. Editorial in al-Qubs (The Torch), Damascus, January 1949. Quoted on March 28, 1949, in az-Sameer, an Arabic paper published in New York. Cited in Schechtman, Arab Refugee Problem, p. 80.
12. al-Quk quoted in az-Sameer, March 28, 1949, cited in Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem," p. 52.
13. Musamaret El Geib (Cairo), June 3, 1951, cited in Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem," p. 50. See Chapter 18 for interview with Syrian official who expressed similar needs in 1977.
14. Near East Arabic radio, May 12, 1949, cited in Anderson et al., p. 51.
15. W. de St. Aubin, "Peace and Refugees in the Middle East," Middle East Journal, Washington, July 1949, pp. 359-60. According to Schechtman, Arab Refugee Problem, P. 81, "In March 1951, premier Khaled el-Azarn stated in connection with the visit to Damascus of UN Secretary General Trygve Lie, Syria would be willing to accept refugees provided they were paid compensation for their property in Israel." (Emphasis added.)
16. From 1949 until 1951 Egyptians were receptive to resettlement proposals. In September 1949, Egypt was planning to hire the refugees to dig wells in Gaza, conditional upon Israel's cooperation with irrigation methods, New York Times, October 1, 1949; in 1951, Egypt and UNRWA negotiated to resettle 50,000 refugees in the Sinai at one point, New York Times, August 18, 23, 1950, and March 23, 195 1; an additional 20,000 refugees were agreed upon for resettling in the same period, New York Times, December 26, 1950, Times, London, January 23, 1951.
17. John Davis, "Why Are There Still Arab Refugees?", Arab World, December 1969- January 1970. Also see data on Syria and on Libya, etc., in UNRWA Annual Report of the Director, July 1952 to June 1953, General Assembly, 8th Session, Supp. No. 12 (A/2470), pp. 10-11; in UN Resolution 513 (VI) the General Assembly adopted the Authorization to 'transfer" UNRWA funds "allocated for relief' into funds for "reintegration, " dated January 26, 1952, item no. 10. An American representative in Lebanon, Ambassador Ira Hirschmann, submitted a comprehensive report to the Assistant Secretary of State re: "Arab Refugee Situation," April 6,1968, Hirschmann to William B. Macomber, Jr.
18. Dewey Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem and How It Can Be Solved," p. 77, citing AbMisr4 October 11, 1949.
19. Ibid., citing Al-Ziyyad, April 6, 1950.
20. "General Progress Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine," covering the period from December It, 1949, to October 23, 1950 (pamphlet), General Assembly Official Records, 5th Session, Supp. No. 18 (A/1367/Rev. 1).
21. See UN Ad Hoc Committee Sessions, November 11, 29, 30, December 1, 1950, for positions of Denmark, Canada, Britain, Australia, Bolivia, Belgium, and Holland. Although giving perfunctory acknowledgment to the Arab position, a substantial bloc among the UN Ad Hoc Committee concluded that "the Arab refugees would have a happier and more stable future if the bulk of them were resettled in Arab countries."
22. League Resolution No. 389, October 10, 1951.
23. Mohammad lqbal Ansari, The Arab League 1945-1955 (Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1968), pp. 71-74.
24. Revue du Liban (French), May 12, 1951, cited by Anderson et al., "Arab Refugee Problem," p. 38.
25. For additional support of resettlement see Thicknesse, Arab Refugees~ pp. 38-58; Vahe Sevian, "Economic Utilization and Development of the Water Resources of the Euphrates and Tigris," E/Conf. 7/Sec/W.397, August 1, 1949, p. 16; Doreen Warriner, Land and Poverty in the Middle East (London and New York: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1948), pp. 26-33, 75-80, 95.
26. Berlut al Massa (Lebanese daily), July 11-12, 1957, 'cited by Terence Prittie and Bernard Dineen, The Double Exodus. A Study of Arab and Jewish Refugees in the Middle East (pamphlet), (London: Goodhart Press, n.d.), p. 13.
27. Prittie, "Middle East Refugees," in Michael Curtis et al., eds., The Palestinians: People, History, Politics (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1975), p. 71.
28. Ibid., citing Associated Press interview, January 1960.
29. See Robert MacDonald, The League of Arab States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965); also see Mohammad Khalil, The Arab States and the Arab League: A Documentary Record (Beirut: Khayat's, 1962), vol. 2, pp. 517-22, 9351f.
30. "Biggest Little Superpower in the World," Forbes, August 1, 1975; author's interview with Jim Cook, January 5, 1979.
31. Abbas Kelidar, "Iraq: The Search for Stability," Conflict Studies, No. 59, The Institute for the Study of Conflict, London, July 1975, p. 21.
32. Pablo de Azcarate, Mission in Palestine 1948-1952 (Washington, D.C.: Middle East Institute, 1966), p. 191. Resolution 194 (111) of the United Nations General Assembly, which de Azcarate dates December 14, 1948, is generally recorded as December 11, 1948. The UN "proclamation" referred to by de Azea rate includes the following: "Resolves that the refugees willing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return, and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or inequity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible; "Instructs the Conciliation Committee to facilitate the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees and the payment of compensation, and to maintain close relations with the Director of the United Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees and, through him, with the appropriate organs and agencies of the United Nations."

The Origins of the Arab-Jewish Conflict Over Palestine 

Bibliography

A B CDE F GHI J KLM N OPQ R STU V WXY Z
Abbreviations: 

PRO-Public Record Office, Kew Gardens (London) 
CO-Colonial Office, Great Britain 
FO-Foreign Office, Great Britain 
ISA-Israel State Archives (former Palestine Mandatory Government records), Jerusalem 
Survey-Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, A Survey of Palestine 
Report ... for the Year ]9xx-Report by His Britannic Majesty's Government to the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Palestine and Trans-Jordan for the Year 19xx, Colonial No. xx. 
RH-Rhodes House, Oxford, England 
Hope Simpson, Report-Sir John Hope Simpson,Palestine: Report on Immigration, Land Settlement and Development, Command #3686, 1930. 
UNRWA-United Nations Relief and Works Agency 
USCR-United States Committee for Refugees 

I. Unpublished archival sources, periodicals, official publications, and reports

The unpublished archival sources, periodicals, official publications, and reports drawn upon for this book have been cited fully in the reference notes. The following are only the official data referred to most frequently, which were often abbreviated after the initial citation in the reference notes. 
Despatches from Her Majesty's Consuls in the Levant, Respecting Past or Apprehended Disturbances in Syria. 1858 to 1860,- Further Papers Relating to the Disturbances in Syria. June 1860. London, 1860. 
Reports of the Commission of Inquiry, Palestine, Disturbances in May, 1921, Command # 1540, London, 1921 (the Haycraft Report). 
Statement of British Policy in Palestine, Command # 1700, London, 1922 (the Churchill White Paper). 
Report of the Commission on the Disturbances of August, 1929, Command #3530, London, 1930 (the Shaw Report). 
John Hope Simpson. Palestine: Report on Immigration, Land Settlement and Development, Command #3686, London, 1930. 
Palestine. Statement of Policy by His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, Command #3692, 1930 (the Passfield White Paper). 
Census of Palestine, 1931. Vol. I, Palestine, Part 1, Report by E. Mills, B.A., O.B.E., Assistant Chief Secretary of Census, Alexandria, 1933. 
Palestine Royal Commission Report, Command #5479, London, 1937 (the Peel Report). 
Palestine Partition Commission Report, Command #5854, London, 1938 (the Woodhead Report). 
Palestine: Statement by His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, Command #5893, London, 1938. 
Palestine. A Statement of Policy, Command #6019, London, 1939 (the MacDonald White Paper). 
Report by His Britannic Majesty's Government to the Council ofthe League ofNations on the Administration ofPalestine and Trans-Jordan for the Year 1925, Colonial No. 20. 
Report ... for the Year 1926, Colonial No. 26. 
Report ... for the Year 1927, Colonial No. 31. 
Report ... for the Year 1928, Colonial No. 40. 
Report ... for the Year 1929, Colonial No. 47. 
Report ... for the Year 1930, Colonial No. 59. 
Report ... for the Year 1931, Colonial No. 75. 
Report ... for the Year 1932, Colonial No. 82. 
Report ... for the Year 1933, Colonial No. 94. 
Report ... for the Year 1934, Colonial No. 104. 
Report ... for the Year 1935, Colonial No. 112. 
Report ... for the Year 1936, Colonial No. 129. 
Report ... for the Year 1937, Colonial No. 146. 
Report ... for the Year 1938, Colonial No. 166. 
Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, A Survey offtlestine, 3 vols., Palestine, Government Printer, 1945-1946. 
Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Report to the United States Government and His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom. Lausanne, Switzerland, April 20, 1946. Department of State, United States Government Printing Office, Washington, 1946. 
Supplementary Memorandum by the Government offtlestine, including Notes on Evidence given to the United Nations'Special Committee on Palestine up to the l2th July, 1947, Government of Palestine, Jerusalem, 1947. 
League of Nations Permanent Mandates Commission: 
Minutes of the First Session, Geneva, 192 1. Doc. No. C. 416. M. 296. 192 1. VI. 
Mandate for Palestine C. 259. M. 314. 1922. VI. 
Mandate for Palestine C.P.M. 466. C. 667. M. 396. 1922. VI. (same as Cmd. 1785, 1922). 
Minutes of the Thirteenth Session, 1928. Doc. No. C. 341. M. 99. 1928. VI. 
Minutes of the Twenty Seventh Session, 1935. C. 251. M. 123. 1935. VI. 
Minutes of the Twenty Ninth Session, 1936. C. 259. M. 153. 1936. VI. 
Minutes of the Thirty Second (Extraordinary) Session, 1937. C. 330. M. 222. 1937, VI. 
Minutes of the Thirty Ninth Session, Geneva, 1939. 

II. Books, Pamphlets, and Articles

Every source drawn upon for this book is fully cited in the reference notes and each had a role in the development of the research. The list that follows is neither a repetitious account of every single source used nor an exhaustive compilation of the infinite number of publications on the subjects of this book. It is, rather, a partial listing of those works principally called upon and thus abbreviated in some of the reference notes. In a few instances, I have noted works that contain related information not directly discussed here, but of value to those interested in further reading. 

A 

Africanus, Leo. The History and Description of Africa and of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Ed. Dr. Robert Brown. London, 1896. 
Alami, Musa. "The Lesson of Palestine." The Middle East Journal, October 1949. 
  Al-Ayubi, Al-Haytham. "Future Arab Strategy in the Light of the Fourth War." Shuun Filastiniyya, Beirut, October 1974. 
Al-Azm, Khaled. Memoirs, 3 vols. Al-Dar al Muttahida lil-Nashr, 1972. 
Alkalay, Judah ben Solomon Hai. Destiny of the Lord. Vienna, 1857. 
Alon, Dafha. Arab Radicalism. Jerusalem, 1969. 
Alroy, Gil Carl. Behind the Middle East Conflict, The Real Impasse Between Arab and Jew. New York, 1975. 
"Do the Arabs Want Peace?" Commentary, February 1974. 
Al-Tall, 'Abdallah. The Danger of World Jewry to Islam and Christianity (Arabic). Cairo, 1964. 
American Christian Palestine Committee. The Arab War Effort, A Documented Account. New York, 1947. 
Ansari, Mohammed Iqbal. The Arab League 1945-55. Calcutta, 1968. 
Antonius, George. The Arab Awakening: The Story of the Arab National Movement Philadelphia, New York, Toronto, 1939. 
Antoun, Richard. Arab Village-A Social Study ofa TransJordanian Peasant Community. Bloomington, 1972. 
Arab Higher Committee: Its Origins, Personnel and Purposes. The Documentary Records submitted to the United Nations by Nation Associates, New York, May 1947. 
The Arab Refugee Problem: How It Can Be Solved. Proposals submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations, December 1951, by Dr. Dewey Anderson, Dr. Henry A. Atkinson, Dr. Donald B. Cloward, Dr. Frederick May Eliot, The Rt. Rev. Charles K. Gilbert, Earl G. Harrison, The Very Rev. Ivan Lee Holt, Freda Kirchway, Dr. Kenneth Scott Lautourette, Archibald MacLeish, Dr. Daniel L. Marsh, The Rt. Rev. Norman B. Nash, Dr. Reinhold Niebuhr, James G. Patton, Paul Porter, Jacob S. Potofsky, Prof. James T. Shotwell, Dr. Russell H. Stafford, Sumner WeRes. 
Arab vs. Arab, pamphlet. Keighley, England, 1939. 
Atiyah, Edward. The Arabs. Edinburgh, 1955. 
Atlas of Israel. Jerusalem, 1970. 
Aumann, Moshe. Land Ownership in Palestine 1880-1948. Jerusalem: Israel 
Academic Committee on the Middle East, 1976. 
Avriel, Ehud. Open the Gates. New York, 1975. 
Azcarate, Pablo. Mission in Palestine 1948-1952. Washington, 1966. 

B 

Bachi, Roberto. The Population of Israel. Jerusalem, 1974. 
Baer, Gabriel. Population and Society in the Arab East. London, 1964. 
Baldensperger, Philip G. "The Immovable East," Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly. London,1917. 
Barker, E.B.B. Syria and Egypt Under the Last Five Sultans of Turkey. London, 1876. 
Baron, Salo Wittmayer. Ancient and Medieval Jewish History. New Brunswick, N.J., 1972. A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 3 vols. New York, 1937. 
Barron, J.B. Report and General Abstracts ofthe Census ofPalestine, 1922. Jerusalem, n.d. 
Battuta, Ibn. Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354. Trans. H.A.R. Gibb. London, 1957. 
Bauer, Yehuda.,Flight and Rescue, the Organized Escape of the Jewish Survivors of Eastern Europe 1944-1948. New York, 1970. 
Beek, M.A. A Short History of1srael From Abraham to Bar Cochba. London, 1963. 
Begin, Menachem. The Revolt New York, 1977. 
Bein, Alex. Theodore HerzI, A Biography. Trans. Maurice Samuel. Philadelphia, 1940. 
Bein, Alex, ed. Arthur Ruppin: Memoirs, Diaries, Letters. New York, 1971. 
Belkind, Israel. The First Steps of the Colonization of Eretz Israel. New York, 1917. 
Ben-Sasson, H.H., ed. A History of the Jewish People. Cambridge, Mass., 1976. 
Bentwich, Norman. "Aden After the Riots." Commentary, May 1948. 
Ben-Zvi, Yitzchak. The Exiled and the Redeemed. Philadelphia, 1961. -Israel Under Ottoman Rule-Four Centuries of History. Jerusalem, 1955. 
Bernadotte, Folke. To Jerusalem. London, 1951. 
Bethell, Nicholas. The Palestine Triangle: The Strugglefor the Holy Land, 1935-48. New York, 1979. 
Bethman, Erich W. Decisive Years in Palestine 1918-48. New York, 1957. 
Bilby, Kenneth. New Star in the Near East. New York, 1950. 
Birks, J.S., and Sinclair, C.A. Migration for Employment Project-A Preliminary Assessment of Labour Movement in the Arab Region: Background, Perspectives and Prospects. World Employment Programme Working Paper. International Labour Organisation, Geneva, 1977. 
Bodman, H.L. Political Factions in Aleppo, 1760-1826. Raleigh, N.C., 1963. 
Brant, Jas. Despatches from Her Majesty's Consuls in the Levant, Respecting Past or Apprehended Disturbances in Syria, 1858-1860. London, 1860. 
Braver, Moshe. "Immigration as a Factor in the Growth of the Arab Village in Eretz-Israel." Economic Review-Problems ofAliyah and Absorption, vol. 28, nos. 7-9, July-September 1975. 
Brockelmann, C. History ofthe Islamic Peoples. New York, 1960. 
Brunschvig, Robert. Deux Ricis de Voyage Inidits en Af7ique du Nord. Paris, 1936.. La Berberie orientale sous les Ha/sides, vol. I. Paris, 1940. 
Buckingham, J.S. Travels in Palestine. London, 1821. 
Burckhardt, J.L. Travels in Syria and the Holy Land London, 1822. 

C 

Caplan, Neil. Palestine Jewry and the Arab Question 1917-1925. London, 1978. 
Carr-Saunders, A.M. World Population. Oxford, 1936. 
Cartwright, Marguerite. "Plain Speech on the Arab Refugee Problem." Land Reborn, November-December 1958. 
Cazes, D. Essai sur Phistoire des Israelites de Tunisiedepuis les temps lesplus recules. Paris, 1888. Revue des Etudes Juives 20. Paris, 1890. 
Choucri, Nazli. Migration Processes Among Developing Countries: 
- The Middle East. Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Cambridge, Mass., May 1978. 
- The New Migration in the Middle East: A Problem for Whom? Center for International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Cambridge, Mass., January 1977. 
Chouraqui, Andre. Between East and West A History of the Jews of North Africa. Trans. from French by Michael M. Bernet. Philadelphia, 1968. 
Cobban, Alfred. National Self-Determination. London, New York, Toronto, 1945. 
Cohen, Aaron. Israel and the Arab World. London, 1970. 
Cohen, Hayyim J. Absorption Problems of Jews from Asia and Africa in Israel. Jerusalem, 1974. - The Jews of the Middle East 1860-1972. New York, 1973. 
Conder, Colonel C.R. Heth and Moab. London, 1883. 
- The Survey of Eastern Palestine. London, 1889. 
- Tent Work in Palestine, 2 vols. London, 1878. 
Conder, C.R., and Kitchener, H.H. The Survey of Western Palestine. Ed. E.H. Palmer and Walter Besant. London, 1881. 
Crawford, A.W.C., Lord Lindsay. Letters of Egypt, Edom and the Holy Land London, 1847. 
Crossman, Richard. Palestine Mission. London, 1946. 
Crowfoot, J.W., and Hamilton, R.W. "The Discovery of a Synagogue at Jerash." Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly LXI, 1929. 
Crum, Bartley C. Behind the Silken Curtain, a Personal Account of Anglo-American Diplomacy in Palestine and the Middle East. New York, 1947. 
Cuinet, Vital. Syrie, Liban et Palestine, Giographie Administrative, Statistique Descriptive et Raisonge. Paris, 1896. 
Cunningham, Sir Alan. "Palestine-The Last Days of the Mandate." International Affairs, October 1948. 
Curtis, Michael, ed. Jordan, People and Politics in the Middle East. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1971. 
Curtis, Michael, Joseph Neyer, Chaim Waxman, and Allen Pollack, eds. The Palestinians. New Brunswick, N.J., 1975. 

D 

Davison, Roderique. Reform in the Ottoman Empire 1856-1876. Princeton, 1963. 
Dawidowicz, Lucy. The War Against the Jews, 1933-1945. New York, 1975. 
Dawood, N.J., trans. The Koran. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England, 1981. 
DeChair, Somerset. The Golden Carpet. New York, 1945. 
De Haas, Jacob. History of Palestine, the Last Two Thousand Years. New York, 1934. 
De Lamartine, Alphonse. A Pilgrimage to the Holy Land Trans. from French. New York, 1948. 
De St. Aubin, W. "Peace and Refugees in the Middle East." The Middle East Journal, vol. 111, no. 3, July 1949. 
Dodd, Peter, and Barakat, Halim. River Without Bridges: A Study of the Exodus of the 1967 Arab Palestinian Refugees. Beirut, 1969. 
Doughty, C.M. Travels in Arabia Deserta. London, 1888. 
Draper, Theodore. "The United States and Israel." Commentary, April 1975. 
Dubnow, Simon. History of the Jews. New York, 1967-1973. 

E 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th edition, 1860; 11 th edition, 1911. 
Encyclopedia Judaica. Eds. C. Roth, G. Wigoder. Jerusalem, 1972. 
Epstein, E. "The Bedouin of TTansjordan." Royal Central Asian Society Journal, vol. 25, 1938. 
Esco Foundation for Palestine. Palestine, A Study of Jewish, Arab, and British Policies. 2 vols. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1947. 

F 

Farah, Tawfic E. "Political Socialization of Palestinian Children in Kuwait." Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. 6, no. 4, Summer, 1977. 
Farhi, David. "Ottoman Attitude Towards Jewish Settlement." In Ma'oz, ed. Studies on Palestine During the Ottoman Period Jerusalem, 1975. 
Feingold, Henry. The Politics of Rescue. New York, 1970. 
Finn, Elizabeth. "Fellaheen of Palestine." Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly, 1879. 
Finn, James. Stirring Times or Recordfrom Jerusalem Consular Chroniclesfrom 1835-56, 2 vols. London, 1878. 
Frankenstein, Ernst. Justice for My People. London, 1943. 
Friedman, Saul. "The Myth of Arab Toleration." Midstream, January 1970. 
Frischwasser, Ra'anan H.F. Frontiers of a Nation. London, 1955. 
Frumkin, G. Population Changes in Europe Since 1939. New York, 1951. 
Furlonge, Sir Geoffrey. Palestine Is My Country: The Story ofMusa Alami. New York and London,1969. 

G 

Gabbay, Rony E. A Political Study of the A rab-Jewish Conflict: The A rab Refugee Problem (A Case Study). Paris, 1959. 
Galante, Abraham. Histoire des Juifis d7stanbul, 2 vols. Istanbul, 1941-1942. 
Gawler, George. Tranquillisation of Syria and the East. London, 1845. 
Geffner, Edward. Sephardi Problems in Israel. Jerusalem, n.d. 
George, David Lloyd. The Truth About the Peace Treaties. London, 1938. 
Gilbert, Martin. Exile and Return: The Strugglefor a Jewish Homeland Philadelphia and New York, 1978. 
- The Arab-Israeli Conflict. Its History in Maps. London, 1974. 
- The Jews of Arab Lands, Their History in Maps. Oxford, 1975. 
- Sir Horace Rumbold-Portrait of a Diplomat. London, 1973. 
- Winston S. Churchill, The Prophet of Truth: 1922-1939, 5 vols. Boston, 1977. 
Glubb, John Bagot. "The Economic Situation of the Trans-Jordan Tribes." Royal Central Asian Society Journal, vol. 25, 1938. 
-The Empire of the Arabs. London, 1963. 
Goitein, S.D. Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders. Princeton, 1973. 
- Jews and Arabs, Their Contacts Through the Ages. New York, 1974. 
- A Mediterranean Society, 4 vols. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1983. 
Gottheil, Fred M. "The Population of Palestine, circa 1875." Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 15, no. 3, October 1979. 
- "Arab Immigration into Pre-state Israel: 1922-1931." In Curtis et al., eds. The Palestinians, New Brunswick, N.J., 1975. 
Gottheil, Richard J.H. Zionism. Philadelphia, 1914. 
Graetz, Heinrich. History of the Jews, 5 vols. New York, 1927. 
Granott, A. The Land System in Palestine, History and Structure. London, 1952. 
Granovsky, A. Land and the Jewish Reconstruction of Palestine. Jerusalem, 1931. 
Granzow, Brigitte. A Mirror of Nazism. British Opinion and the Emergence of Hitler 1929-1933. London, 1964. 
Graves, Philip. Palestine, The Land of Three Faiths. London, 1923. 
Graves, R.M. Experiment in Anarchy. London, 1949. 
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Harkabi, Yehoshafat. Arab Attitudes to Israel. Jerusalem, 1971. 
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Q 

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R 

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V 

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W 

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